Intervention
A deliberate, resourced action designed to change an outcome: a transfer, service, rule or nudge introduced into a system to move it from what is to what works.
64 terms from the course, defined for practitioners who diagnose problems, design development interventions and carry proven programmes from model to scale. Search, or filter by stage of the design journey.
A deliberate, resourced action designed to change an outcome: a transfer, service, rule or nudge introduced into a system to move it from what is to what works.
The explicit causal story linking activities to outcomes through assumed mechanisms and pre-conditions. It names what must be true, not only what will be done.
An activity is what a programme does (train workers); a mechanism is why that changes behaviour (workers gain status and trust). Designing for the mechanism, not the activity, is what lets an intervention travel.
The ordered sequence from inputs and activities to outputs, outcomes and impact that a programme is expected to produce. It separates what you control from what you hope to cause.
How an outcome varies with the intensity or duration of exposure. Many interventions have a threshold below which a thin dose buys nothing.
Starting from a precisely defined local problem rather than a favoured solution, so the intervention is fitted to the constraint that actually binds (Andrews, Pritchett & Woolcock 2017).
The single bottleneck that most limits an outcome, such that relaxing it yields the largest return. Diagnosis finds it before design proposes a fix.
Adopting the forms of successful organisations (manuals, logos, best-practice templates) while lacking their function, so reform looks modern but changes nothing (Andrews, Pritchett & Woolcock 2017).
Locating the specific psychological or informational friction (present bias, hassle costs, low salience) that stops people acting in their own interest, before designing a nudge (World Development Report 2015).
Asking a fragile system to carry responsibilities beyond its real capacity, so it collapses or fakes compliance — a core failure mode of imported blueprints (Pritchett, Woolcock & Andrews 2013).
A sequenced, time-bound package (asset transfer, consumption support, coaching, savings) that moves the ultra-poor into self-sustaining livelihoods; BRAC’s model, validated across six countries (Banerjee et al. 2015).
Cash paid to poor households on condition they use health or education services, as in Mexico’s Progresa. It ties income support to human-capital investment.
Cash given with no strings, trusting recipients to spend well. Evidence such as GiveDirectly shows durable gains without the monitoring cost conditions impose.
India’s system of paying subsidies and entitlements straight into bank accounts, cutting intermediaries and leakage in schemes like LPG and the PDS.
The Jan Dhan accounts, Aadhaar identity and Mobile connectivity stack that makes DBT possible at scale by giving each beneficiary a verifiable, payable identity.
A trained local resident who delivers basic health services and referrals, extending a thin formal system into the last mile at low cost.
India’s Accredited Social Health Activist under the NRHM: a village woman, incentivised per task, who links households to public health services. One of the world’s largest CHW cadres.
A small savings-and-credit group, usually of women, that pools funds and builds collective agency; the base unit of India’s DAY-NRLM.
Higher-tier structures (village organisations, cluster and block federations) that aggregate SHGs to access bank finance, run enterprises and negotiate with the state (Ostrom 1990).
A farmer-owned collective that aggregates produce and inputs to win the scale and bargaining power smallholders lack individually.
Pratham’s approach of grouping children by learning level rather than grade and teaching foundational skills directly; among the most cost-effective education interventions (Banerjee et al. 2017).
Pairing a cash transfer with a complementary service (coaching, nutrition counselling, market links) because money alone often does not clear every binding constraint.
Changing how options are presented (defaults, framing, reminders) to steer behaviour without mandates or new incentives (Thaler & Sunstein 2008).
A coordinated, large investment across sectors at once, on the argument that complementarities mean only a jump, not a nudge, escapes a poverty trap (Rosenstein-Rodan 1943).
Estimating a household’s welfare from observable assets and characteristics when income is unverifiable, to rank who qualifies. Used in India’s SECC-based targeting.
Letting local bodies or the gram sabha identify the poor, exploiting local knowledge but exposing selection to elite capture.
Designing benefits so only the needy find them worth claiming, as with the manual-labour requirement in MGNREGA that screens out the non-poor.
Providing a benefit to all rather than a targeted few, trading higher fiscal cost for near-zero exclusion error and lower administrative burden.
Giving benefits to people who should not qualify — leakage to the non-poor. One of the two errors every targeting rule trades off.
Missing people who should qualify. Often the graver error in anti-poverty programmes, and typically worse under tight targeting.
The full sequence of actors and steps between a policy decision and a citizen receiving the service. Interventions fail in its links, not in their intent.
The final, hardest stretch of delivery to the remotest or poorest beneficiary, where cost per person is highest and systems are thinnest.
Households too well-off for welfare yet too poor or informal for tax-based benefits, who fall through the design of most targeted schemes.
The share of resources that never reaches intended beneficiaries, lost to ghost claimants, diversion or corruption. DBT and Aadhaar aim to squeeze it.
The administrative ability to actually implement, monitor and enforce a policy. Weak capacity turns good designs into paper (Pritchett 2013).
How faithfully a programme as delivered matches the programme as designed. Low fidelity, not a wrong model, sinks many scaled interventions.
A design in which acting in one’s own interest also serves the programme’s goal, so no one must be monitored into doing the right thing.
When the party doing the work (agent) has different goals and better information than the party who wants it done (principal), inviting shirking or gaming.
When paying for one measurable task diverts effort from unmeasured but valued tasks; incentivising quantity can crowd out quality (Holmstrom & Milgrom 1991).
Outcome achieved per unit of spending, letting very different programmes be compared on a common yardstick (e.g. learning gain per rupee).
The all-in cost of producing one unit of the result that matters (a life saved, a child reading), not merely one unit of output delivered.
Local powerholders diverting a programme’s benefits or governance to themselves, a recurring risk in community-based delivery and targeting.
Enjoying a collective benefit without contributing to it, which erodes provision of public and club goods (Olson 1965), though communities often solve it through local rules (Ostrom 1990).
Providers selecting the easiest-to-serve beneficiaries to hit targets, leaving the hardest cases unserved and inflating apparent success.
What beneficiaries would give up for a good, used both to gauge real demand and to debate whether charging even a token price screens out the poor.
The tendency of an intervention’s effect to shrink as it scales, as the conditions that made the pilot work fail to replicate (List 2022).
Findings that hold not just in a trial but under the delivery, staffing and selection conditions of a full-size programme — the bar policy needs, above internal validity alone.
Whether a result found in one place, population or scale transports to another. High internal validity does not guarantee it.
When a result proven at pilot size vanishes on rollout because charismatic founders, motivated staff or a favourable site cannot be reproduced.
Rising per-unit cost or falling effect as a programme grows, from stretched supervision, thinner talent and administrative strain.
Effects that appear only at scale, when a programme shifts prices, wages or norms for everyone, not just its direct recipients (Muralidharan & Niehaus 2017).
Scaling by having the state absorb an intervention into its own systems and budgets, gaining reach but risking dilution through bureaucratic constraints.
Scaling by an organisation extending its own delivery to new sites, keeping fidelity higher but growth slower and costlier than government routes.
Growing the function or outcome rather than copying a fixed programme, adapting the form to each new context while holding the mechanism constant.
A structured assessment of whether an innovation and its enabling conditions (supply chains, finance, policy) are mature enough to scale, and what is still missing (Sartas et al. 2020).
An approach that solves locally defined problems through rapid cycles of experiment, feedback and adjustment, building capability by doing rather than importing blueprints (Andrews, Pritchett & Woolcock 2017).
Steering a programme by continuously testing assumptions against evidence and revising the plan, rather than executing a fixed design to completion.
Korten’s contrast between a fixed plan imposed from above and a learning process that fits the programme to people and place as it goes (Korten 1980).
Evaluation embedded in real time to inform an evolving intervention, rather than judging a finished one after the fact (Patton 2011).
Finding the few in a community who already achieve better outcomes with the same resources, and spreading their practices as a home-grown solution.
The cycle of act, measure, reflect and adjust that turns delivery into evidence and lets an intervention improve while it runs.
A centre-of-government method of setting targets, tracking data and running delivery routines to drive frontline results, pioneered in the UK and adapted in several states (Barber 2007).
The obligation to anticipate and avoid the unintended damage (to markets, conflict, dignity) an intervention can cause, weighing costs against intended good.
The tension between delivering a proven model exactly and adjusting it to local context: too rigid and it does not fit, too loose and its active ingredient is lost.
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