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ImpactMojo 101 Series · Free Forever
Gender &
Development
101
How gender shapes who gets what in development, and how a practitioner in South Asia can see it, measure it and design around it
100 SlidesSouth Asia FocusFree ForeverGender Analysis
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What we cover
01
Sex, gender and why development cares
Slides 3–10
02
From WID to GAD: the ideas
Slides 11–21
03
Inside the household: bargaining and land
Slides 22–29
04
Missing women, son preference and sex ratios
Slides 30–38
05
Women's work and how it is measured
Slides 39–47
06
Unpaid care and time use
Slides 48–54
07
Education and health gaps
Slides 55–62
08
Violence against women: data and law
Slides 63–72
09
Political representation
Slides 73–81
10
Masculinities and intersectionality
Slides 82–88
11
Practical application: gender analysis
Slides 89–95
12
Bringing it together
Slides 96–99
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01
Section One
Sex, gender and why development cares
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Sex and gender are different questions
Sex
Sex refers to biological characteristics: chromosomes, hormones and reproductive anatomy. Surveys usually record it as female, male and, increasingly, a third category. Sex explains why only women can be pregnant, and so why maternal health needs its own services.
Gender
Gender refers to the roles, rules, expectations and power that a society attaches to being a woman or a man. It explains why a girl in one district fetches water while her brother studies, and why that pattern differs in the next state. Gender is learned, varies across places and changes over time.
Gender relations
The socially constructed relations of power between women and men, and among women and among men, that shape access to resources, labour, decision-making and voice in households, markets, communities and the state.
A practitioner asks two questions of any programme: which differences are biological and need specific services, and which are social and can be changed by the programme or the policy around it.
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Gender changes who benefits from the same programme
A development programme distributes something: money, land, credit, training, water, seeds, information. Gender decides who in a household receives it, who controls it afterwards, who does the extra work it creates and who is consulted about it. Two programmes with the same budget can have opposite effects on women depending on whose name is on the title, whose phone receives the message and what time the meeting is held.
Example: a dairy cooperative
Women in many South Asian villages do most of the milking and feeding. If membership and payment go to the household head, the income goes to men while the extra labour falls on women.
Example: a drinking water scheme
A tap closer to home saves time mainly for the women and girls who carry water. A design that measures only litres delivered misses the time saved and who saved it.
Both examples are Illustrative. The point is general: the same input produces different outcomes for women and men because their roles, time and control differ.
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India in five numbers from NFHS-5
1,020
females per 1,000 males in the NFHS-5 household population
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 2
72% vs 84%
women and men aged 15-49 who are literate
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 3
25% vs 75%
women and men aged 15-49 currently employed
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 3
32%
ever-married women 18-49 who have experienced spousal physical, sexual or emotional violence
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 15
The National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5, fieldwork 2019-21) interviewed women and men aged 15-49 across every state and union territory. It is the most used source for gender indicators in India because it asks the same questions of women and men and repeats them in each round. Each number above opens a section of this course: sex ratios, education, work and violence. A population that has more women than men in its households can still be one where girls are missing at birth, which is why the survey also tracks the sex ratio among young children (928 for ages 0-6 in NFHS-5).
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Where gender operates: four levels
LevelWhat gender shapesSouth Asian example
IndividualBeliefs, skills, aspirations, bodily autonomyA girl's own expectation of marrying at 18 or studying further
HouseholdWho works, who eats first, who owns, who decidesLand titled to the eldest son under customary practice
Community and marketNorms on mobility, caste and occupation, wagesLower daily wages for women in casual agricultural work
StateLaws, schemes, budgets, representationOne-third of panchayat seats reserved for women under Article 243D
Change at one level can be blocked at another. A scholarship raises a girl's aspiration, but a household that needs her labour or fears for her safety on the road to college can still keep her at home. Good gender analysis traces a programme through all four levels.
Each level has its own data source: surveys of individuals, household rosters, market wage data and legal or budget documents.
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Gender equality, gender equity and the law
Equality
Equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities for women and men. The Constitution of India guarantees equality before the law (Article 14) and bars discrimination on grounds of sex (Article 15(1)). Article 39(d) directs the state towards equal pay for equal work for both men and women.
Equity
Measures that take different starting points into account so that outcomes can become equal. Article 15(3) allows the state to make special provision for women and children. Reservation of panchayat seats, girls' scholarships and women-only self-help groups rest on this logic.
The two are complementary. Equal treatment of unequal people preserves the gap, and special measures without a goal of equal outcomes can become permanent tokenism. The Code on Wages, 2019 (section 3) carries the equal-pay principle into labour law: no discrimination on the ground of gender in wages for the same work or work of a similar nature, and none in recruitment.
Source: Constitution of India (Legislative Department edition as on 1 May 2024); Code on Wages, 2019, s. 3. The four Labour Codes came into force on 21 November 2025.
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Gender analysis studies relations, so it includes men
Early development work counted women as a separate group to be added in. Gender analysis looks at relations: how women's and men's roles depend on each other and how power runs between them. A woman's paid work depends on who cooks and who looks after children. A man's status may depend on being seen as the provider. Changing one side of the relation changes the other.
QuestionCounting womenAnalysing relations
Who attends training?Number of women trainedWho released time for her to attend, and who covered her work
Who owns land?Share of plots with a woman's nameWho decides on sale, mortgage and crops on that plot
Who earns?Women's incomeWho spends it and on what
Section 10 returns to men and masculinities. A gender programme that ignores men often meets their resistance later.
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How this course is built
Concepts and evidence
  • The ideas: WID, WAD, GAD, Moser, Kabeer
  • The household: Sen's cooperative conflicts, Agarwal on land
  • Missing women and sex ratios
  • Work, care, education and health, with Indian data
Law, politics and practice
  • Violence against women: NFHS-5, PWDVA 2005, POSH 2013
  • Representation: 73rd and 74th Amendments, the 2023 Adhiniyam
  • Masculinities and intersectionality
  • Gender analysis tools and a worked example
Gender budgeting and mainstreaming are covered in depth in Gender Mainstreaming 101, women's economic empowerment in WEE 101 and the care economy in Care Economy 101. This course introduces each and links to those decks at the end.
Statistics on each slide carry their source. Facts are stated as of October 2026.
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02
Section Two
From WID to GAD: the ideas
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Ester Boserup put women into development economics
Ester Boserup's Woman's Role in Economic Development (1970) used data from Africa and Asia to show that women did a large share of farm work in many regions, and that colonial and post-colonial modernisation often bypassed them. Extension services, new tools and land titles went to men, so technical change could lower women's status even as output rose.
What Boserup showed
Farming systems differ: in shifting cultivation women did much of the work, while in plough agriculture men did more of the field work and women withdrew into the home. Development policy treated the male farmer as the norm.
Why it mattered
The book gave planners evidence that women were economic actors. It fed directly into the 'women in development' movement of the 1970s and into the UN Decade for Women.
Alesina, Giuliano and Nunn (NBER Working Paper 17098, 2011) tested the plough idea: descendants of plough-using societies today show lower female participation in work and politics.
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Women in development: add women and stir
Women in Development (WID) took Boserup's evidence and argued that women had been left out and should be integrated into existing development programmes. Its tools were women's projects, women's units in ministries and the collection of sex-disaggregated data.
Strengths
Made women visible in statistics and plans. Created budgets and staff for women's programmes. Argued in efficiency terms that planners could accept: wasting half the labour force slows growth.
Limits
Treated women as a separate, homogeneous group. Left the division of labour and power between women and men untouched. Women's projects were often small income schemes, such as tailoring and pickle-making, that added to women's work without changing control over income.
The phrase 'add women and stir' summarises the critique: inclusion in a process that was not designed with women in mind.
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Women and development: the system is the problem
Women and Development (WAD) emerged in the late 1970s from Marxist and dependency thinking. It argued that women had always been part of development, as cheap labour in plantations, factories and households, and that the problem lay in an unequal global economy that exploited both poor women and poor men.
QuestionWID answerWAD answer
Why are women poor?They were left out of developmentThey were included on exploitative terms
Unit of analysisWomen as individualsClass and the world economy
What to doProjects to integrate womenChange the structures of production and trade
WAD's weakness was that it tended to fold gender into class. It said less about inequality between a poor woman and a poor man in the same household, which is where Gender and Development began.
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Gender and development: relations, power and change
Gender and Development (GAD) grew in the 1980s from the work of feminist researchers and activists, many from the global South. It made gender relations the object of analysis and asked how power between women and men is produced in households, markets and the state, and how it can be changed.
FeatureWIDGAD
FocusWomenRelations between women and men
ProblemExclusion from developmentUnequal power
GoalEfficiency, integrationEquality, transformation
Women seen asBeneficiariesAgents of change
Typical toolWomen's projectGender analysis of all projects
GAD led to 'gender mainstreaming', adopted in the Beijing Platform for Action (1995). Gender Mainstreaming 101 covers how it works in budgets and institutions.
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Southern voices: DAWN and the view from below
Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN) grew from a meeting of feminists from the global South in Bangalore in August 1984, held to prepare for the 1985 Nairobi conference that closed the UN Decade for Women. DAWN argued that development should be judged by its effect on poor women, and that debt crises and structural adjustment were shifting costs onto women's unpaid work.
What changed
The starting point moved from 'what can development do for women' to 'what does this model of development do to poor women'. Women's organising became a means of change in its own right.
South Asian roots
Indian women's movements of the 1970s and 1980s, from the Chipko and anti-dowry campaigns to self-employed women's unions, shaped this view. They linked livelihoods, violence and political voice.
Gita Sen and Caren Grown's Development, Crises and Alternative Visions: Third World Women's Perspectives, written for DAWN, set out this argument. Source: DAWN timeline, dawnfeminist.org.
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Practical and strategic gender needs
Maxine Molyneux (1985, Feminist Studies 11(2)) distinguished practical gender interests from strategic ones. Caroline Moser turned this into a planning tool in 'Gender planning in the Third World: meeting practical and strategic gender needs' (World Development 17(11), 1989) and in Gender Planning and Development (1993).
Practical gender needs
Needs that arise from women's existing roles and do not challenge them: water near the home, a creche, a health centre, cooking fuel. Meeting them improves daily life within the current division of labour.
Strategic gender needs
Needs that arise from women's subordinate position and, if met, change it: land rights, freedom from violence, equal wages, political representation, control over fertility.
Most projects meet practical needs. The question for a designer is whether the way they are met also opens a strategic gain, such as women managing the water committee that runs the new tap.
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Moser's triple role and the planning framework
RoleWhat it coversPlanning implication
ReproductiveChildbearing, care, cooking, water, fuelUnpaid, so ignored in plans and in GDP
ProductiveWork for income or subsistenceWomen's farm and home-based work is undercounted
Community managingRunning local services, often unpaidProjects assume women's volunteer time is free
Moser argued that women carry all three roles at once while men's community work tends to be paid or carry status (community politics). A project that adds a fourth demand on women's time without removing another can fail, or succeed at the cost of women's rest and health. Her framework also classifies policy approaches to women: welfare, equity, anti-poverty, efficiency and empowerment.
Source: Moser 1989, World Development 17(11): 1799-1825.
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Kabeer: resources, agency and achievements
Naila Kabeer's 'Resources, agency, achievements: reflections on the measurement of women's empowerment' (Development and Change 30(3): 435-464, 1999) defined the process as the expansion in people's ability to make strategic life choices in a context where this ability was previously denied to them.
01
RESOURCES: material, human and social, plus the rules of access
→
02
AGENCY: the ability to define goals and act on them
→
03
ACHIEVEMENTS: the outcomes of choices, the well-being achieved
Why three dimensions
A woman with a bank account (resource) may not decide how the money is used (agency). Measuring only resources overstates change.
The caution
Kabeer warned that indicators lifted out of context mislead: the same act can mean different things in different places. Choices that reproduce inequality can look like agency.
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How the frameworks show up in survey questions
Kabeer dimensionNFHS-5 indicator (women 15-49)India value
ResourceHas a bank or savings account she uses79%
ResourceOwns land alone or jointly32% (men 42%)
ResourceHas a mobile phone she uses54%
AgencyParticipates in three household decisions (currently married)71%
AgencyHas money she alone decides how to use51%
Source: NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Chapter 14. Bank account use rose from 53% in NFHS-4 (2015-16) to 79%, largely after the expansion of no-frills accounts. Decision-making changed much less. That gap between a resource and its use is exactly what Kabeer's framework asks a practitioner to check before reporting success.
When you read a gender indicator, name which of the three dimensions it measures and what it leaves out.
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The frameworks side by side
FrameworkUnit of analysisMain questionTypical use today
WID (1970s)WomenAre women included?Sex-disaggregated data, women's components
WAD (late 1970s)Class and the world economyOn what terms are women included?Critique of export and wage models
GAD (1980s on)Gender relationsWho has power, and how does it change?Gender analysis of every programme
Moser (1989, 1993)Roles and needsWhich needs does the plan meet?Planning and project review
Kabeer (1999)ChoicesCan she make strategic life choices?Indicator design and evaluation
The frameworks build on each other. A practitioner in 2026 typically uses WID's sex-disaggregated data, GAD's attention to relations, Moser's distinction between practical and strategic needs, and Kabeer's three dimensions to choose indicators. Each answers a different question, and Section 11 turns them into working tools.
When a donor asks for a 'gender analysis', ask which of these questions it wants answered. The answer decides the method.
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03
Section Three
Inside the household: bargaining and land
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The household as one decision-maker
Standard economics long treated the household as a single unit with one set of preferences and pooled income, a 'unitary model'. Under it, it makes no difference who in the household receives a transfer: the money is pooled and spent the same way.
What the unitary model predicts
A cash transfer to the mother and the same transfer to the father produce identical spending. Policy can ignore who holds income and assets.
What bargaining models predict
Spending depends on who controls the income, because each member brings different preferences and different fall-back options. Randomly assigning the recipient of a transfer is the cleanest way to test which model fits a given setting.
Rejecting pooling has direct consequences for design: whose name goes on the account, the ration card, the house title under a housing scheme, the land record and the insurance policy.
Who receives the benefit is a design choice. Record it, and test it where you can.
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Amartya Sen: cooperative conflicts
In 'Gender and cooperative conflicts' (in Irene Tinker, ed., Persistent Inequalities, Oxford University Press, 1990) Amartya Sen described the household as a site of both cooperation and conflict. Members gain from cooperating, but they disagree about how the gains are divided.
FactorMeaningWhy women often lose
Breakdown positionHow well off each person would be if cooperation endedFewer assets, lower wages, weak exit options
Perceived interestHow much a person weighs her own well-beingNorms teach women to put the family first
Perceived contributionHow much a person is seen to contributeUnpaid work is invisible, so seen as contributing less
Sen's point about perception matters for programmes: paid, visible work can raise a woman's bargaining power even before her income rises, because it changes how her contribution is seen.
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Bina Agarwal: bargaining within and beyond the household
Bina Agarwal's '"Bargaining" and gender relations: within and beyond the household' (Feminist Economics 3(1): 1-51, 1997) extended bargaining models in three directions.
  • Social norms set limits on what can be bargained over at all, and norms themselves can be bargained over and changed
  • Bargaining beyond the home: women bargain with the community, the market and the state, and outcomes there feed back into the home
  • What strengthens a woman's position: ownership of land and other assets, access to employment, support from kin, women's groups and the state
Implication
A women's collective can raise every member's fall-back position at once, which individual assistance cannot.
South Asian example
Self-help groups and producer collectives give women a group to bargain from with lenders, buyers and officials.
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Land: the asset that matters most in rural South Asia
In A Field of One's Own: Gender and Land Rights in South Asia (Cambridge University Press, 1994) Agarwal argued that independent land rights are central to women's economic well-being, social status and bargaining power in rural South Asia, where land is the main source of livelihood, security and standing.
Why land, specifically
Land produces food and income, serves as collateral, is a fall-back in widowhood or separation and confers standing in the village. Its value rarely disappears the way wages can.
Ownership versus control
Legal rights, social recognition of those rights and effective control can each be missing. A daughter may inherit on paper and give up her share to brothers under family pressure.
32% vs 42%
women and men aged 15-49 who own land alone or jointly
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 14
42% vs 60%
women and men who own a house alone or jointly
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 14
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Inheritance law: the 2005 amendment and Vineeta Sharma
The Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005 substituted section 6 of the Hindu Succession Act, 1956 and made daughters coparceners in joint family property by birth, with the same rights and liabilities as sons, from 9 September 2005. Before it, only sons were coparceners by birth in a Mitakshara joint family.
Vineeta Sharma v Rakesh Sharma (2020)
A three-judge bench of the Supreme Court held on 11 August 2020 that a daughter's coparcenary right arises by birth and does not depend on her father being alive on 9 September 2005. It resolved the conflict between Prakash v Phulavati (2016) and Danamma v Amar (2018).
What the law does not settle
Muslim, Christian and Parsi women inherit under different personal laws, and tribal customary law varies. Mutation of records and family pressure to relinquish shares remain the main barriers in practice.
Sources: Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005; Vineeta Sharma v Rakesh Sharma, Supreme Court of India, 11 August 2020.
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How researchers test who decides
MethodWhat it doesWhat it can show
Survey decision modulesAsk who decides on health, purchases, visitsReported say, as in NFHS-5 Chapter 14
Expenditure comparisonsCompare spending when income is in women's versus men's handsWhether income is pooled
Randomised transfersAssign the recipient (woman or man) at randomCausal effect of who receives the money
Lab-in-field gamesSpouses make private and joint choicesHidden income, trust, efficiency
Qualitative interviewsNarratives of decisions and disputesWhy and how, including norms
Each method has blind spots. Reported decision-making depends on who answers and on what 'participate' means to her. Combining a survey measure with qualitative work is often the most informative design for a programme evaluation. Mixed Methods 101 and Feminist Research 101 cover how.
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What household bargaining means for programme design
Design choices
  • Put the asset or account in the woman's name, or joint names
  • Pay wages and transfers directly into her account
  • Make women's contribution visible: registers, job cards, receipts
  • Support collectives that raise her fall-back position
Risks to plan for
  • Backlash or violence when her income or say rises
  • Nominal ownership with male control in practice
  • Extra workload without relief elsewhere
  • Assuming a married woman's interests equal her household's
Track both resources and agency: a joint title is a resource, and who decides on sale or mortgage is agency. Section 11 turns these into a checklist a project team can use.
Who is named on the benefit is the cheapest gender decision a programme makes, and one of the most consequential.
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04
Section Four
Missing women, son preference and sex ratios
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More than 100 million women are missing
Amartya Sen's essay in the New York Review of Books (20 December 1990) observed that where women and men receive similar care, women outnumber men, at a ratio of about 1.05. In South Asia, West Asia and China the ratio could be as low as 0.94 or lower. Sen estimated the women who would be alive with equal care and concluded that 'a great many more than 100 million women' were missing.
The method
Compare the actual number of women with the number expected at a benchmark sex ratio. The gap counts excess female deaths across all ages, from infancy to adulthood, plus sex selection before birth.
Kerala as contrast
Sen noted that Kerala's ratio of women to men, above 1.03, was closer to Europe (1.05) than to India as a whole (0.94). A state within India showed that the deficit was a matter of social arrangements.
Sen also wrote that rapid economic development may go hand in hand with worsening relative mortality of women. Growth alone does not close the gap.
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Three sex ratios that are easily confused
MeasureDefinitionLatest India valueSource
Sex ratio (overall)Females per 1,000 males, all ages943Census 2011
Child sex ratioGirls per 1,000 boys aged 0-6918Census 2011
Sex ratio at birth (SRB)Girls born per 1,000 boys born913SRS 2021
The overall sex ratio mixes births, deaths and migration across every age group, so it moves slowly. The child sex ratio reflects both sex selection before birth and excess mortality of girls after birth. The sex ratio at birth isolates selection: slightly more boys than girls are born everywhere, so even without selection it sits a little below 1,000. Surveys of households such as NFHS give different values from the census because they cover the usual resident household population, which excludes people living in institutions and differs in migration.
Sources: MoSPI, Women and Men in India 2023 (943); PIB explainer on Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, 13 June 2022 (918); SRS Statistical Report 2021 as reported by All India Radio News, May 2025 (913).
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The child sex ratio fell for fifty years
Child sex ratio (girls per 1,000 boys aged 0-6), India, 1961-2011
Census of India, as tabulated in PIB explainer on Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, 13 June 2022
The decline accelerated after 1981, the period when ultrasound became cheap and widely available. The same PIB explainer records that the child sex ratio fell in 429 of 640 districts between 2001 and 2011. A falling ratio while the overall sex ratio rose (933 in 2001 to 943 in 2011) shows that the problem had concentrated at birth.
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Son preference is stated openly in surveys
81%
women aged 15-49 who want at least one son
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 4
79%
women who want at least one daughter
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 4
15% vs 3%
women who want more sons than daughters, and more daughters than sons
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 4
Most families want children of both sexes. The imbalance comes from the minority with a strong preference for sons and from the demand for at least one son as fertility falls. When families want two children and insist that one be a boy, sex selection at the second or third birth becomes the means. Seema Jayachandran's review in the Annual Review of Economics (7: 63-88, 2015) argues that norms such as patrilocality, where daughters leave at marriage and sons stay to support parents, help explain the male-skewed sex ratio in India and China.
Men's answers in NFHS-5 are almost identical: 81% want at least one son, and 16% want more sons than daughters.
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PCPNDT Act 1994: banning sex determination
The Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Prohibition of Sex Selection) Act, 1994 began as the Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act and was amended and renamed in 2003 to cover selection before conception. Its long title now reads: an Act to provide for the prohibition of sex selection, before or after conception.
ProvisionContent
Section 6Prohibits pre-natal techniques, including ultrasound, for determining the sex of a foetus, and sex selection by any means
RegistrationEvery clinic with ultrasound must register and keep records
PenaltiesImprisonment up to three years and fines for a first offence, higher for repeat offences
AuthoritiesAppropriate authorities at state and district level inspect and prosecute
Enforcement has been uneven. Convictions are few relative to the scale of missing births, and a ban on technology does not change the demand that drives it.
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Beti Bachao Beti Padhao and the debate on what works
Beti Bachao Beti Padhao (BBBP) was launched at Panipat, Haryana on 22 January 2015 by the Ministries of Women and Child Development, Health and Family Welfare, and Education. It started in 100 districts with low child sex ratios and was extended to all 640 districts (Census 2011) in March 2018.
Reported progress
The government's explainer reports the sex ratio at birth in its Health Management Information System rising from 918 in 2014-15 to 937 in 2020-21. The SRS sex ratio at birth rose from 899 in 2014 to 913 in 2021.
Reading the numbers
HMIS counts births in reporting facilities, so its ratio moves with the share of births recorded there. SRS is a sample survey. Both show improvement, but neither isolates the scheme's effect from falling fertility, education or enforcement.
Sources: PIB explainer, 13 June 2022; SRS 2021 via All India Radio News, May 2025. Attribution to a single scheme needs an evaluation design: see Impact Evaluation 101.
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Sex ratio at birth across South Asia
Country (2024)Boys born per girlGirls per 1,000 boys
India1.071934
Pakistan1.055948
Afghanistan1.051951
Maldives1.051951
Bangladesh1.049953
Nepal1.049953
Bhutan1.048954
Sri Lanka1.044958
Source: World Bank WDI, indicator SP.POP.BRTH.MF (UN population estimates), accessed October 2026. The last column is our conversion of the first. India stands out in the region. Note that this modelled estimate for India (934) differs from the SRS figure (913 in 2021): the UN series is modelled from several sources, while SRS is a direct sample count. Quote SRS for India and the UN series only for cross-country comparison.
Son preference exists across the region. Where it shows up as a deficit of girls at birth depends on fertility decline and access to sex selection; elsewhere it can show up as families continuing to have children until a son is born.
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Working on son preference without harm
What helps
  • Raise the value of daughters: inheritance, old-age support, schooling
  • Work with mothers-in-law and husbands, who often decide
  • Pair enforcement with community dialogue
  • Use birth registration data to monitor district SRB
What to avoid
  • Messaging that stigmatises abortion in general
  • Blaming women who are under family pressure
  • Celebrating one year's SRB rise from a small sample
  • Cash incentives that only reward a girl's birth
Restricting safe abortion to stop sex selection pushes women to unsafe providers and does not reduce son preference. The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act and the PCPNDT Act serve different purposes and should not be conflated in communication. Sexual Health 101 covers reproductive rights.
Rule of thumb: target the demand for sons, protect access to safe reproductive care.
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05
Section Five
Women's work and how it is measured
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Labour force participation: what is being counted
Labour force participation rate (LFPR)
The percentage of persons in the labour force, that is working or seeking or available for work, in the population. PLFS defines it this way.
Usual status (ps+ss)
PLFS looks back 365 days. The principal status is the activity a person spent most time on. Subsidiary status adds anyone who did economic activity for 30 days or more in addition. Including subsidiary work counts much of women's seasonal and part-time work.
Current weekly status
The reference period is the last 7 days. It captures who is working now and is the basis of PLFS's short-period bulletins, but it misses women whose work is seasonal.
Source: PLFS press note, Annual Report July 2023-June 2024, NSO, 23 September 2024. The choice of reference period is a gender decision: short windows undercount women's intermittent work.
Read every women's employment figure with three questions: which age group, which reference period, and which activities count as work.
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Women's participation in PLFS, 2017-18 to 2025
Female LFPR, usual status (ps+ss), age 15+, India (%)
PLFS press notes: Annual Report 2023-24 (NSO, 23 Sep 2024) for 2017-18 to 2023-24 (July-June years); Annual Report 2025 (NSO, 27 Mar 2026) for calendar 2025
Female LFPR rose from 23.3% to 41.7% between 2017-18 and 2023-24, while male LFPR moved from 75.8% to 78.8%. PLFS switched to calendar-year reporting from 2025, when female LFPR was 40.0% and male 79.1%, so the last bar is not strictly comparable with the July-June years.
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Most of the rise came from rural women
Female LFPR, usual status, 15+2017-182023-24Change
Rural24.6%47.6%+23.0 points
Urban20.4%28.0%+7.6 points
All India23.3%41.7%+18.4 points
Source: PLFS press note, Annual Report 2023-24, Table 1. The rise was concentrated in rural areas. The headline rate cannot tell how much reflects new paid jobs and how much reflects women in farm households being recorded as working in family enterprises. In 2025, 64.2% of women workers were self-employed against 52.0% of men, and 18.2% of women workers were in regular wage or salaried jobs (PLFS 2025 press note).
A cautious reading
More women are being counted as working, especially in agriculture and household enterprises.
An open question
Whether this work brings women their own income and control over it, which the participation rate does not show.
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The gender gap in pay, PLFS 2025
Type of work (2025)MenWomenWomen as % of men
Regular wage or salaried (monthly)Rs 24,217Rs 18,35376%
Self-employed (monthly)Rs 17,914Rs 6,37436%
Casual labour other than public works (daily)Rs 455Rs 31569%
Source: PLFS Annual Report 2025, NSO, MoSPI, March 2026. Women's earnings grew faster than men's between 2024 and 2025 in all three categories, but the levels remain far apart. The largest gap is in self-employment, where most women workers are. Part of it reflects hours: PLFS 2025 reports that urban self-employed men worked about 17.5 hours a week more than women, and rural self-employed men about 12.3 hours more.
Calculations in the last column are ours from the PLFS figures. Hours differ, so the monthly gaps overstate the gap per hour.
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Why women are outside the labour force
44.4%
women outside the labour force who cite child care or personal commitments in home-making as the main reason
PLFS Annual Report 2025, NSO, MoSPI, March 2026
69.8%
men outside the labour force who cite wanting to continue studies
PLFS Annual Report 2025, NSO, MoSPI, March 2026
The contrast summarises the gender division of labour. A man outside the labour force is usually a student; a woman is usually doing unpaid work at home. Klasen and Pieters (World Bank Economic Review 29(3), 2015) found that urban married women's participation stagnated around 18% between 1987 and 2011 despite growth, falling fertility and rising education. They point to supply factors, such as rising household incomes and husbands' education, and to demand: the sectors that employ women expanded least.
Supply and demand both matter. A skills programme for women fails if local employers do not hire women, and a new factory fails to recruit if care and mobility constraints are left in place.
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Two estimates of the same rate
Female labour force participation, ages 15+, 2025 (%), modelled ILO estimates
World Bank WDI, indicator SL.TLF.CACT.FE.ZS (ILO modelled estimates), accessed October 2026
The ILO modelled estimate for India in 2025 is 32.4%, against 40.0% in PLFS 2025. Modelled series harmonise definitions across countries and fill gaps with models, while PLFS usual status includes subsidiary work of 30 days or more. Use the national survey for India and the modelled series for cross-country comparison, and never mix them in one chart.
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Opportunity changes decisions: two Indian studies
Jensen: jobs and girls' schooling
Robert Jensen provided job recruitment services for three years in randomly chosen villages in India. Girls in treatment villages had higher school enrolment and better nutrition (BMI). Families invested more in daughters once the return to their education was visible. (Quarterly Journal of Economics 127(2), 2012; NBER Working Paper 16021.)
Why this matters for design
The study shows that norms can shift: households respond to credible information about women's earning opportunities. Information about jobs, placement services and visible role models can shift investment in girls at low cost.
A second line of work studies safety and mobility. Where travel to work is unsafe or socially restricted, the effective labour market for women is the distance they can travel. Transport, lighting and safe workplaces are labour market policies for women.
WEE 101 covers programmes on women's livelihoods in depth, including self-help groups, credit and enterprise.
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Asking about women's work in your own surveys
ProblemWhat goes wrongBetter practice
Proxy respondentHusband reports wife as 'housewife'Interview women directly where possible
Single question'Do you work?' misses unpaid family workAsk activity by activity: livestock, farm, sales, home-based work
Short recallSeasonal work missedUse a 12-month recall alongside the last 7 days
Self-perceptionWomen do not call their own work 'work'Use concrete activity lists
Interviewer normsInterviewer assumes women do not workTrain and monitor; use female interviewers
Survey Design 101 covers questionnaire construction. For women's work, the practical rule is to ask about activities before asking about status, and to ask the woman herself.
Every method change alters the rate. When you report a change over time, check that the questions did not change.
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06
Section Six
Unpaid care and time use
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India's Time Use Survey: what it measures
The National Statistics Office ran India's first national Time Use Survey in 2019 and the second in January-December 2024. Every member aged 6 and above in sampled households reports, for the previous 24 hours, what they did in each 30-minute slot. TUS 2024 enumerated 4,54,192 persons aged 6 and above.
Paid and unpaid work
Activities are grouped into employment, production of goods for own use, unpaid domestic services, unpaid caregiving, volunteer work, learning, socialising, leisure and self-care.
Why time use matters
Labour surveys count people as working or not. Time use shows how many minutes go to each activity, including the unpaid work that keeps households running and that national accounts leave out.
Source: Time Use Survey 2024, NSO, MoSPI, February 2025, press note of 25 February 2025.
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Women do most of the unpaid work
Minutes per day per participant, persons aged 6+, India, 2024
Time Use Survey 2024, NSO, MoSPI, February 2025, Table 2
These are minutes among people who did the activity. Participation also differs: 81.5% of women aged 6+ did unpaid domestic work on the reference day against 27.1% of men, and 34.0% of women did unpaid caregiving against 17.9% of men (TUS 2024, Table 1).
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2019 to 2024: small shifts
315 to 305
minutes a day on unpaid domestic services, women 15-59 who did it, 2019 to 2024
Time Use Survey 2024, NSO, MoSPI, February 2025
21.8% to 25%
women 15-59 in employment and related activities on the reference day, 2019 to 2024
Time Use Survey 2024, NSO, MoSPI, February 2025
16.4% vs 1.7%
share of the whole day women and men aged 6+ spend on unpaid domestic work
Time Use Survey 2024, NSO, MoSPI, February 2025, Table 3
The NSO reads the fall in unpaid domestic minutes as a shift from unpaid to paid activities. Women aged 15-59 who gave care spent about 140 minutes a day on it against 74 minutes for men, and 41% of these women gave care against 21.4% of men. The press note itself says that most caregiving for household members is borne by women.
Five years is a short period for norms. The change is real but small next to a gap of more than three hours a day.
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Time poverty and the double burden
Time poverty
Having so many hours committed to paid and unpaid work that too little time remains for rest, learning, health and participation in public life.
The double burden
When women take up paid work without a matching reduction in unpaid work, total work hours rise. Rising female employment can therefore coexist with worse well-being.
The 3R framework
Diane Elson (New Labor Forum 26(2), 2017) proposes to recognise unpaid care in data and policy, reduce its drudgery through water, fuel and infrastructure, and redistribute it between women and men and between households and the state.
A programme that adds meetings, training or enterprise work for women should state whose time it uses and what it removes. Care Economy 101 covers the 3R framework, valuation of unpaid work and care policy in detail.
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Designing programmes around women's time
Design elementTime-blind versionTime-aware version
MeetingsMid-morning at the block officeIn the village, at times women choose
TrainingFive full days awayShort sessions over weeks, with child care
Public worksSame task norms for allWorksite creche, nearby sites, flexible start
InfrastructureJudged by cost per unitJudged also by hours saved for women and girls
MonitoringAttendance countsTime-use module before and after
A short time-use module (a 24-hour recall of main activities) can be added to a baseline and endline survey. It shows whether the programme added to women's total work, which attendance figures cannot.
Fuel, water and child care investments are often the most cost-effective gender interventions because they release time for everything else.
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Unpaid care across South Asia
Several South Asian countries have run national time use surveys or added time use questions to labour force surveys. Definitions, age groups and reference days differ, so compare the direction of the gap across countries and leave exact minutes to within-country analysis, and open each national statistics office's report before quoting it. In India, the gap of more than three hours a day in unpaid domestic work (TUS 2024) is the benchmark to use.
Common drivers
Patrilocal marriage that places young wives under heavy domestic duties, limited piped water and clean fuel in rural areas, and weak public child care.
Common responses
Anganwadi and creche expansion, clean cooking fuel schemes, household water connections and paid care work in health and nutrition programmes.
Before citing another country's figure, open its national statistics office report and check the age group and reference day.
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07
Section Seven
Education and health gaps
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Girls' schooling: large gains, remaining gaps
72% vs 84%
women and men aged 15-49 who are literate
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 3
41% vs 50%
women and men with 10 or more years of schooling
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 3
33% vs 51%
women and men aged 15-49 who have ever used the internet
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 3
The gap is widest among older women and in poorer and rural households, and narrows sharply among the young. In higher education the All India Survey on Higher Education 2021-22 counted 2.07 crore women enrolled, up from 2.01 crore a year earlier, and more women than men in the science stream (29.8 lakh against 27.4 lakh).
AISHE figures as reported by PTI from the Ministry of Education survey, 25 January 2024. Enrolment parity in college does not yet mean parity in employment, as Section 5 showed.
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Why girls leave school
BarrierMechanismExample response
Distance and safetyParents fear for girls on the roadBicycles for girls, transport, nearby secondary schools
Domestic workGirls care for siblings and fetch waterCreches, water supply, school timings
MarriageSchooling stops at marriageConditional transfers, enforcement of the child marriage law
SanitationNo usable toilet at schoolSeparate functional toilets and menstrual supplies
Low returnsFew jobs for educated women nearbyInformation on jobs, as in Jensen's study
Child marriage is the barrier with the clearest legal answer. NFHS-5 finds that 23% of women aged 20-24 married before 18, the legal minimum for women, compared with 47% of women aged 45-49. The decline is large but leaves nearly one in four young women married as children.
Source: NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Chapter 6. Education Policy 101 and Child Rights 101 go further.
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Women's health: anaemia, nutrition and maternal mortality
57% vs 25%
women and men aged 15-49 with anaemia
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 10
19% vs 16%
women and men aged 15-49 who are thin
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 10
93
maternal deaths per 1,00,000 live births in 2019-21, down from 130 in 2014-16
SRS 2021 via All India Radio News, May 2025
Anaemia among women rose between NFHS-4 and NFHS-5, and is more than twice the male rate. It reflects diet, menstrual blood loss, repeated pregnancies and the norm that women eat last and least. Maternal mortality has fallen steeply with institutional delivery and emergency obstetric care, but remains far higher in some states than others.
Maternal Health 101, Nutrition 101 and Public Health 101 cover these in depth. Here the point is that women's health gaps are partly biological and largely social.
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Gender shapes care-seeking from infancy
Girls in childhood
In many South Asian settings girls are taken to a health provider later and less often when ill, and families spend less on their treatment. Sen's missing women include these excess deaths after birth as well as sex selection before it.
Adult women
Women need permission or company to travel to a facility, have less cash of their own, and put their own illness last. In NFHS-5, three-fifths of women report at least one problem in getting medical care for themselves, and 31% worry that no female provider is available.
Health programmes respond by bringing services closer (ASHA workers, health and wellness centres), by insuring women in their own name, and by counting care-seeking separately for girls and boys in routine data. A district that reports child treatment rates without disaggregating by sex cannot see the problem.
Always disaggregate health service data by sex and age. It costs almost nothing at the point of collection.
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Gender norms also harm men
Gender norms shape men's health too. Norms that link masculinity to risk, toughness and not seeking help show up in behaviour. In NFHS-5, 39% of men and 4% of women aged 15-49 use any form of tobacco, and 22% of men against 1% of women drink alcohol. Reported tuberculosis is also higher among men (283 per 1,00,000) than women (162). Source: NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Chapter 11.
NormEffect on menProgramme response
Men do not show weaknessLate care-seeking, untreated depressionOutreach through workplaces and men's groups
Men take risksInjuries, substance useRoad safety, harm reduction
Men provide aloneDistress migration, debt stressSocial protection that counts both earners
Recognising men's health needs is part of gender analysis. It also helps programmes enlist men as allies in changing norms that hurt women. Mental Health 101 covers suicide prevention and care.
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The gender gap in phones and the internet
54%
women aged 15-49 who have a mobile phone they themselves use
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 14
71%
women with a mobile phone who can read text messages
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 14
33% vs 51%
women and men aged 15-49 who have ever used the internet
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 3
Why it matters for programmes
Information, payments, scheme enrolment and helplines now run through phones. A programme that sends messages to 'the household number' usually reaches the man who holds the phone.
What to check
Whose phone receives messages, whether she can read them, who charges and pays for it, and whether her use is monitored by others. NFHS-5 finds phone ownership far lower in rural areas and the poorest households.
Design digital components with a non-digital route for women without a phone of their own. Digital Rights & AI 101 covers the wider questions.
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Education and health: a gap table
Indicator (NFHS-5, ages 15-49)WomenMenGap
Literate72%84%12 points
10 or more years of schooling41%50%9 points
Ever used the internet33%51%18 points
Anaemic57%25%32 points
Currently employed25%75%50 points
Source: NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Chapters 3 and 10. Gaps are calculated from the rounded figures in the report. The largest gap is in employment, which connects the two sections before this one: schooling has risen faster than paid work, and unpaid care absorbs the difference.
Use this kind of side-by-side table in any gender analysis: same indicator, same source, women and men in adjacent columns.
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08
Section Eight
Violence against women: data and law
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Violence by husbands is the most common form
32%
ever-married women 18-49 who have experienced spousal physical, sexual or emotional violence
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 15
29%
experienced spousal physical or sexual violence, down from 31% in NFHS-4
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 15
14%
women who experienced physical or sexual violence who sought help to stop it
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 15
NFHS-5 selected only one woman per household for the domestic violence module, interviewed her in private and stopped if privacy was lost, following international ethical guidance. Even so, these are lower bounds: some women do not disclose. Among women who sought help, 61% turned to their own family and only 6% to the police.
Physical spousal violence (28%) is the most common form, followed by emotional violence (14%). Six per cent of ever-married women report spousal sexual violence.
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Spousal violence by caste and wealth
Ever-married women 18-49 who have ever experienced spousal physical or sexual violence (%), India 2019-21
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Table 15.11
Violence is reported across all groups, and it is higher among women from Scheduled Caste households and poorer households. Caste and wealth overlap, so this chart cannot separate their effects. Section 10 returns to this overlap.
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Norms that justify violence
45%
women aged 15-49 who agree with one or more of seven reasons for a husband to beat his wife
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 14
44%
men aged 15-49 who agree with one or more of the reasons
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 14
NFHS-5 reports that agreement fell among women since NFHS-4 but rose slightly among men. Women's agreement does not mean they welcome violence. It shows how far a norm is shared, including by those it harms, and why individual awareness campaigns are rarely enough. Programmes that work on violence try to shift what a community regards as normal, usually by working with groups of women and men over months and by making services credible.
Attitude questions are useful for monitoring norm change in a programme area. Use the NFHS wording so that results can be compared with the state figure.
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Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005
The PWDVA gives a civil remedy alongside criminal law. Section 3 defines domestic violence broadly, covering physical, sexual, verbal, emotional and economic abuse, including harassment for dowry. It protects women in a domestic relationship, which includes wives, women in relationships in the nature of marriage, mothers, sisters and widows living in the shared household.
SectionWhat it provides
8-9Protection Officers appointed by the state to assist women
12Application to a Magistrate; first hearing ordinarily within three days, disposal within sixty days
17Right to reside in the shared household, whether or not she owns it
18-22Protection, residence, monetary, custody and compensation orders
31Breach of a protection order: up to one year or fine up to Rs 20,000, or both
Source: PWDVA 2005 text (PRS Legislative Research copy). The right of residence in s. 17 is often the most valuable remedy for a woman with nowhere else to go.
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Criminal law after 1 July 2024
The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 (BNS) replaced the Indian Penal Code from 1 July 2024. Cases arising before that date continue under the old sections, so practitioners will meet both numbers.
OffenceIPC sectionBNS section
Cruelty by husband or his relatives498A85 (cruelty defined in 86)
Dowry death304B80
Rape37563
Marital rape exception
BNS section 63, Exception 2, provides that sexual intercourse or sexual acts by a man with his own wife, the wife not being under eighteen, is not rape. Challenges to the exception are pending before the Supreme Court, which issued notice on a further petition in July 2026.
Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961
Giving and taking dowry remain offences under this separate Act. A PWDVA Magistrate may also frame charges under criminal law where the facts disclose an offence (PWDVA s. 31(3)).
Sources: BNS 2023 text (MHA); commencement 1 July 2024 per MHA notification reported by LiveLaw.
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Sexual harassment at work: Vishaka to POSH
In Vishaka v State of Rajasthan (1997) 6 SCC 241, decided on 13 August 1997, the Supreme Court framed binding guidelines on sexual harassment at work after the gang rape of Bhanwari Devi, a government social worker who had tried to stop a child marriage. Parliament replaced the guidelines with the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 (POSH Act).
SectionRequirement
4Every employer must constitute an Internal Committee, presided over by a senior woman employee, with at least half its members women
6District Officer constitutes a Local Committee for workplaces with fewer than ten workers, or where the complaint is against the employer
9Complaint within three months of the incident, extendable by three months
11(4)Inquiry to be completed within ninety days
26Employer's non-compliance: fine up to Rs 50,000
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POSH in practice: the gaps
In Aureliano Fernandes v State of Goa (12 May 2023) the Supreme Court found serious lapses in constituting Internal Committees and directed the Union, states and public bodies to comply. On 9 April 2024 the Court recorded that affidavits were still awaited from the Union and most states. On 13 August 2024 it directed the Union to set out what an online dashboard of Internal Committees, their constitution and members, should show, and said every state and union territory would have to do the same.
Common failures in organisations
No committee, or one without an external member. Members untrained in inquiry. Complaints routed to the manager accused. No annual report.
What an NGO should do
Constitute the committee, publish its members, train them, cover field staff and volunteers, record and report cases, and link to the Local Committee for community workers.
Safeguarding & PSEA 101 covers protection of programme participants, which is a separate duty from POSH compliance for staff.
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Domestic violence and harassment law in South Asia
CountryLawKey feature
BangladeshDomestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act, 2010Civil protection orders; a 2020 study found no cases filed in a decade in some districts
Sri LankaPrevention of Domestic Violence Act, No. 34 of 2005Civil interim and full protection orders; amendments proposed
PakistanProtection against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act, 2010 (Act IV of 2010)Three-member Inquiry Committee in every organisation and an Ombudsperson
IndiaPWDVA 2005; POSH Act 2013Civil remedies plus Internal and Local Committees
Sources: The Financial Express (Dhaka), 23 December 2020, on an ActionAid Bangladesh study; Polity (Colombo), 14 October 2025; Pakistan Act text with amendments, Sindh Judicial Academy. A law that nobody uses is a signal of weak awareness, distant courts or fear of the consequences at home.
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What a programme does when violence is disclosed
01
LISTEN: believe, do not pressure
→
02
SAFETY: ask about immediate danger
→
03
REFER: one-stop centre, 181 helpline, Protection Officer
→
04
RECORD: minimal, confidential, with consent
→
05
FOLLOW UP: only if safe for her
Field staff in any sector will hear disclosures. Each programme needs a referral map before it starts: the nearest One Stop Centre, the women's helpline, the district Protection Officer, legal aid and health services. Staff should never mediate between a woman and her abuser or push her to report. Data on violence are personal data of the most harmful kind if leaked: collect only what is necessary and protect it now, ahead of the duties in the DPDP Act 2023 and the DPDP Rules 2025 that apply from 13 May 2027.
Research on violence needs specific ethical protocols, such as private interviews and one respondent per household. Research Ethics 101 covers them.
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09
Section Nine
Political representation
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The 73rd and 74th Amendments: one-third and beyond
The Constitution (Seventy-third Amendment) Act, 1992 created Part IX on panchayats. Article 243D(3) reserves not less than one-third of seats filled by direct election in every panchayat for women, including women from Scheduled Castes and Tribes, and Article 243D(4) reserves not less than one-third of chairperson offices at each level. Article 243T, inserted by the 74th Amendment, reserves not less than one-third of directly elected municipal seats for women.
States went further
Many states have raised the reservation for women in panchayats to 50%. An ORF analysis citing UN Women data puts women's share of local body seats in India at around 44%.
Rotation
Reserved seats rotate between constituencies. Rotation spreads exposure to women leaders but often prevents a woman from being re-elected from a seat that becomes unreserved.
Source: Constitution of India, Articles 243D and 243T; ORF, 'Lessons from 30 years of women's reservation in panchayats'.
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What women leaders change: evidence from Indian reservation
StudySettingFinding
Chattopadhyay and Duflo, Econometrica 72(5), 2004Randomly reserved village council headships, West Bengal and RajasthanWomen leaders invest more in goods women ask for, such as drinking water
Beaman, Duflo, Pande and Topalova, Science 335, 2012West Bengal villages with reserved leaders in 1998 and 2003Narrowed gender gap in parents' aspirations for children; girls spent more time in school and less on chores
Iyer, Mani, Mishra and Topalova, AEJ: Applied 4(4), 2012State timing of reservationMore documented crimes against women, driven mainly by greater reporting
Because reservation was assigned by rotation that was close to random, these studies give unusually credible causal evidence on women's leadership. The Beaman study found that attitudes changed only after a second round of exposure to a woman leader.
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Proxies, capacity and real authority
Reservation brought large numbers of first-time women leaders into office. In some places a husband or male relative runs the office in practice, a pattern known as 'sarpanch pati' or 'pradhan pati'. Reports of proxy representation continue, and the ORF analysis cites media and civil society documentation of it.
Why proxies persist
Low literacy among some elected women, norms on women dealing with officials, male control of party and contractor networks, and short tenure under rotation.
What reduces them
Training for elected women, women's collectives that back their representatives, rules that require the elected member's own presence and signature, and Mahila Sabhas before Gram Sabhas.
Proxy cases are real, but the causal studies on the previous slide show that reserved seats still change policy and aspirations on average. Both findings are true at once.
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Women in Parliament across South Asia
Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments (%), latest year
World Bank WDI, SG.GEN.PARL.ZS (IPU data), accessed October 2026. Years: Nepal 2024, Bangladesh 2023, others 2025
Nepal's Constitution of 2015 (Article 84(8)) requires that women account for at least one-third of each party's members elected to the Federal Parliament. India elected 74 women to the 18th Lok Sabha in 2024, 13.6% of members, down from 78 in 2019 (WION, June 2024).
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Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam: what the text says
The Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023, known as the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, inserted Article 330A (Lok Sabha), Article 332A (state Legislative Assemblies) and Article 239AA changes for Delhi. As nearly as may be, one-third of seats are reserved for women, including one-third of the seats reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
Article 334A: the condition
The reservation comes into effect after a delimitation undertaken for this purpose, after the relevant figures of the first census taken after the commencement of the 2023 Act have been published. Clause (1) says it ceases to have effect fifteen years 'from such commencement', clause (2) lets Parliament continue the seats by law, and clause (3) rotates reserved seats after each subsequent delimitation.
Source: Constitution of India, Legislative Department edition as on 1 May 2024, Articles 330A and 334A. The reservation does not extend to the Rajya Sabha or state Legislative Councils.
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Implementation: where things stand, October 2026
DateEvent
September 2023Parliament passes the 106th Amendment
16 April 2026Government notifies the Act into force; seats still not reserved because Article 334A requires census and delimitation
16-17 April 2026Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026, to advance implementation through earlier delimitation, is introduced and defeated in the Lok Sabha: 298 votes, short of the 352 needed
1 March 2027Census reference date, with caste enumeration
After publicationDelimitation, then reservation takes effect
Sources: LiveLaw, 17 April 2026, on the notification of 16 April and the vote (298 of 528 members present and voting); SCC Online, 17 April 2026, on the Bill's content. Watch for the census publication date and the delimitation commission's terms.
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Debates around the reservation
Arguments made for
  • Panchayat evidence shows reserved seats change policy
  • Women's share of the Lok Sabha has stayed below 15%
  • Parties have not nominated women voluntarily
Concerns raised
  • Delay through the census and delimitation link
  • No sub-quota for OBC women
  • Rotation weakens incumbents' incentive to serve the seat
  • Elite capture by women from political families
These are positions taken in public and parliamentary debate. The constitutional text includes Scheduled Caste and Tribe women within the one-third, and has no OBC sub-quota because the Constitution has no OBC reservation in legislatures. Present both sides fairly when you teach or advocate on this question.
Indian Constitution 101 covers amendment procedure under Article 368, which explains why the 131st Amendment Bill needed a two-thirds majority of those present and voting.
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Representation beyond legislatures
Site of voiceGender questionWhere to look
Gram SabhaDo women attend and speak?Attendance registers; Mahila Sabha minutes
BureaucracyShare of women in district postsState cadre lists
JudiciaryWomen judges and the treatment of women litigantsCourt statistics
Unions and cooperativesWomen in leadershipCooperative registers, union records
Programme committeesWomen on school management, water and health committeesProgramme MIS
Many schemes require women's membership in user committees. Check whether they hold office, attend, and influence decisions. A committee with women members that never meets is a paper reform. Governance & Accountability 101 covers these institutions.
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10
Section Ten
Masculinities and intersectionality
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Masculinities: men are gendered too
R. W. Connell's Masculinities (1995) argued that there are several masculinities in any society, ranked against each other. 'Hegemonic masculinity' is the form most honoured at a given time and place, which most men do not fully live up to but which shapes what they are expected to be.
South Asian forms
Ideals of the provider, the protector of family honour, the son who carries the lineage and the man who controls women's mobility. Caste and class change which ideal applies and what it costs.
Why programmes care
Unemployment, migration and debt threaten the provider ideal, and men who cannot meet it may assert control in other ways. Working with men on these norms is part of preventing violence, alongside services and law.
57%
men aged 15-49 who say a wife should have an equal or greater say in all five specified decisions
NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Ch. 14
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Approaches to working with men and boys
ApproachWhat it doesRisk
Men as clientsServices for men's health and well-beingDiverts funds from women's services
Men as partnersCouples' sessions, fathers in child careReinforces men as decision-makers
Men as agents of changeGroup education on gender norms, men speaking against violenceRewarding men for minimal change
Norm-changingQuestions the norms themselves with both sexesSlow, needs skilled facilitation
Good practice keeps accountability to women: women's organisations help set the agenda, and outcomes are measured in women's lives, such as less violence and more say, as well as in men's attitudes. School programmes with adolescent boys and girls together are a common South Asian entry point.
A programme that works with men should report what changed for women, measured by asking women.
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Intersectionality: Crenshaw and beyond
Kimberle Crenshaw introduced the term in 'Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex' (University of Chicago Legal Forum, 1989). Analysing a US employment case, she showed that Black women could fall between discrimination claims based on race alone and on sex alone. Their experience was produced by both at once.
Intersectionality
The analysis of how social categories such as gender, caste, class, religion, disability, age and sexuality combine to produce specific forms of advantage and disadvantage that cannot be understood by looking at one category at a time.
In South Asia the most consequential intersection is gender with caste. Dalit feminists in India were making this argument before the term travelled from the United States, and Caste Studies 101 takes it further.
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Gender and caste: how they combine
Control over women's sexuality
Uma Chakravarti (Gendering Caste: Through a Feminist Lens) argues that caste endogamy depends on controlling women's marriage and sexuality, which she calls Brahmanical patriarchy. Restrictions on women's mobility and 'honour' violence often enforce caste boundaries.
Dalit and Adivasi women
Dalit and Adivasi women face caste discrimination, gender discrimination and poverty together. They are more often in casual agricultural labour and face violence linked to caste assertion.
Spousal physical or sexual violence (ever)Value
Scheduled Caste women34.7%
Scheduled Tribe women31.8%
OBC women30.2%
Other women22.6%
Source: NFHS-5 India Report, IIPS and ICF, 2022, Table 15.11. A paradox worth teaching: in some upper-caste households women's paid work outside the home has been restricted as a status marker, so higher caste can mean lower participation.
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Religion, disability, sexuality and gender identity
IdentityExample of intersecting disadvantageData point to check
ReligionMuslim women's lower participation in paid work in some statesPLFS by religion
DisabilityWomen with disabilities face higher violence and lower schoolingNFHS-5 disability questions; Disability Inclusion 101
AgeWidows' loss of land and statusCensus marital status
Sexuality and gender identityTransgender persons' exclusion from work and servicesTransgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019
MigrationWives of migrants managing farms without titlesPLFS migration modules
NFHS-5 reports ever-experienced spousal physical or sexual violence at 29.9% among Hindu and 27.5% among Muslim ever-married women (Table 15.11), a smaller difference than the gap between the poorest (38.4%) and richest (16.9%) wealth quintiles. Check region, wealth and education before attributing a gap to religion.
Intersectional analysis needs sample sizes large enough for subgroups. Plan for it at the sampling stage.
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Doing intersectional analysis in practice
01
DISAGGREGATE: by sex and one other axis at a time
→
02
CROSS: sex by caste, sex by wealth, sex by disability
→
03
CONTROL: check whether a gap survives other factors
→
04
LISTEN: qualitative work with the groups at the intersection
Quantitative
Cross-tabulate, use interaction terms in regressions, report confidence intervals for small groups, and avoid over-interpreting a single cell.
Qualitative
Purposive sampling of women at specific intersections, life histories, focus groups held separately so that dominant groups do not speak for others.
Data Feminism 101 asks who collects data and who is counted. Social Margins 101 covers the groups most often left out of surveys altogether, such as the homeless and nomadic communities.
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11
Section Eleven
Practical application: gender analysis
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Four gender analysis frameworks compared
FrameworkCore questionBest used for
Harvard Analytical FrameworkWho does what, who has access to and control over which resources?Project data collection: activity and access profiles
Moser frameworkWhich roles do women carry, and which practical and strategic needs does the plan meet?Planning and policy review
Social Relations Approach (Kabeer)How do institutions (household, community, market, state) produce inequality?Institutional and power analysis
Gender Analysis MatrixWhat changes for women, men, households and the community in labour, time, resources and culture?Participatory review with communities
Source: March, Smyth and Mukhopadhyay, A Guide to Gender-Analysis Frameworks (Oxfam, 1999). Frameworks are aids to thinking. Choose the one that answers your question and adapt its categories to the local setting.
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Tool one: activity and access profile
Activity or resource (dairy, Illustrative)WomenMenWho controls
Feeding and milkingMostlySometimes-
Taking milk to the collection centreSometimesMostly-
Membership of the cooperativeFewMostMen
Milk paymentRarelyUsuallyMen
Decision to buy or sell an animalConsultedDecidesMen
This is an Illustrative profile of the kind a team fills in with women and men separately in a village meeting. It shows quickly that a programme raising milk yields would add to women's work while the income and decisions sit with men. The design response is to enrol women as cooperative members in their own right and pay milk money into their own accounts.
Fill in the profile with women and men separately, then compare. Disagreements between the two versions are findings.
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A gender checklist for programme design
Analysis
  • Sex-disaggregated baseline for every outcome
  • Activity, access and control profile done with women
  • Time-use estimate of what the programme adds
  • Risks of backlash or violence identified
  • Intersections: caste, religion, disability, age
Design and monitoring
  • Benefits, titles and accounts in women's names or joint
  • Meeting times, places and child care set with women
  • Practical and strategic needs both addressed
  • POSH committee and safeguarding in place
  • Indicators for resources, agency and achievements
Use the checklist at design, at mid-term review and before scale-up. Each item corresponds to a section of this course, so a 'no' points to the section to revisit. Programme Design 101 and Theory of Change 101 show where these items sit in a full design.
A checklist is a prompt for discussion with women in the programme area. It does not replace that discussion.
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Choosing gender indicators
Kabeer dimensionIndicator exampleData source
ResourcesShare of programme assets titled to womenProgramme records
ResourcesWomen's own income in the last monthSurvey
AgencyWoman decides alone or jointly on use of her earningsSurvey using NFHS wording
AgencyWoman can visit the market or health facility aloneSurvey using NFHS wording
AchievementsGirls' secondary completion; women's anaemiaSurvey; health records
NormsAgreement with reasons for wife beating, women and menSurvey using NFHS wording
Report each indicator for women and men where it applies, at baseline and endline. Using NFHS wording lets you compare your programme area with the district or state figure. MEL Basics 101 and Logframe 101 show how to set targets and means of verification.
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Worked example: a women's livelihood programme in Bihar
Illustrative case. An NGO plans to train 2,000 women in self-help groups in goat rearing and connect them to buyers. The team applies the tools from this course.
ToolFinding (Illustrative)Design change
Activity profileMen sell goats at the weekly marketCollective sales by the group, payment to women's accounts
Time useGrazing adds about two hours a dayStall-feeding and shared grazing rotations
BargainingHusbands may claim sale proceedsCouples' sessions; goats registered in women's names
IntersectionLandless Dalit women lack fodder accessFodder plots on common land, priority enrolment
RiskSome disclosures of violence expectedReferral map, trained staff, POSH committee
The design now meets a practical need (income) in a way that builds strategic gains (ownership, collective bargaining).
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When does a programme change gender relations?
TypeWhat it doesExample
Gender-blindIgnores gender differencesTraining scheduled when women cannot attend
Gender-aware or sensitiveRecognises differences and adjusts deliverySeparate sessions for women
Gender-responsiveMeets women's specific needsCreche at the worksite
Relation-changingChanges the underlying relations and normsJoint land titles plus community work on inheritance
Most programmes sit in the middle. Be accurate in proposals and reports: claiming transformation for a programme that adjusts meeting times undermines credibility with funders and with the women involved. A modest, well-delivered gender-responsive programme is a good programme. Gender Mainstreaming 101 covers the continuum in organisational practice.
Ask of any claim of transformation: which relation changed, for whom, and what evidence shows it.
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12
Section Twelve
Bringing it together
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Six common mistakes in gender work
MistakeWhy it happensCorrection
Counting women as the resultEasy to reportMeasure what changed in their resources and agency
Assuming household poolingUnitary model habitDecide and record whose name is on the benefit
Ignoring timeUnpaid work is invisibleEstimate added hours; reduce other burdens
Treating women as one groupSimple categoriesDisaggregate by caste, class, age, disability
Leaving out menFear of diluting focusWork with men, accountable to women
Mixing data sourcesConvenienceOne source per comparison; state the definition
Each mistake corresponds to a concept from this course. Return to the relevant section when a programme review raises one of them.
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Ten ideas to take away
Concepts
  • Gender is social, relational and changeable
  • GAD analyses power between women and men
  • Practical needs can open strategic gains
  • Resources, agency and achievements differ
  • Households bargain; they do not simply pool
Evidence and practice
  • Missing girls reflect son preference meeting technology
  • Women's work is undercounted unless asked carefully
  • Women who do unpaid domestic work spend 289 minutes a day on it
  • Violence is common and help-seeking is rare
  • Reserved seats change policy, slowly and unevenly
Behind each idea is a source you can open: NFHS-5, PLFS, the Time Use Survey, the Constitution and the statutes cited. Check the latest round before you use a figure, since PLFS, SRS and NFHS all publish new rounds and the women's reservation timeline is still moving.
Gender analysis is a habit of asking who does, who has, who decides and who benefits, for every activity in a programme.
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Where next: related 101 decks
Go deeper on gender
Gender Mainstreaming 101 for gender budgeting and mainstreaming in institutions. Women's Economic Empowerment 101 for livelihoods, credit and enterprise. Care Economy 101 for unpaid care, valuation and care policy. Feminist Research 101 and Data Feminism 101 for research practice. The Gender flagship course goes further on every section.
Related fields
Caste Studies 101 and Social Margins 101 for intersections. Sexual Health 101 and Maternal Health 101 for health. Safeguarding & PSEA 101 for protection. Work, Labour & Livelihoods 101 for labour law and the Codes. Indian Constitution 101 for the amendments.
Suggested order: Gender Mainstreaming, then WEE or Care Economy depending on your work, then the Gender flagship course.
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Gender & Development 101
Ask who does, who has, who decides and who benefits
100 slides·12 sections·CC BY-NC-ND